MANX ENGLISH
An Overview

George Broderick
Universität Mannheim

Introduction
Manx English, or Anglo-Manx, is a type of English spoken today in the Isle of Man by native born and bread Manx men and women. MxE shows varying degrees of phonological, syntactic and lexical influences from Manx Gaelic, a type of Goidelic formerly spoken by the indigenous Manx people as a community language till the beginning of the 20th century; the last reputed native Manx speaker Ned Maddrell died 27 December 1974 (cf. Jackson 1955, Broderick 1984-86). Goidelic was introduced into Man ca.500AD from Ireland and survived well into the 20th century, surviving four centuries of Scandinavian presence (9th-13th centuries) and six centuries of English administration (14th-20th centuries). The language shift from Manx Gaelic to English essentially took place during the 19th century due to increased settlement from that area into the Island, though English had been spoken in the towns and centres of administration since the advent of English suzerainty in Man in the early 14th century. In addition, primarily due to the ferry services, connections with Man for the better part of the 19th century to date have been with Liverpool (Broderick 1991). Liverpool dialects show strong affinities with Hiberno-English (Barry pers. comm. 1977).

1. Studies in Manx English
In comparison with Manx Gaelic studies in Manx English have not been as extensive. The first known comments on English spoken in Man come from Alexander J. Ellis (Ellis 1889), where he notes close similarities with Lancashire English, though perhaps understates the Gaelic influence. He classifies Manx English as a dialect of Fylde (around Blackpool) on the basis of the presence of I am (as opposed to NE I is) and lack of NE [u:] in house, mouse. He subdivided Man from Fylde on the use in Man of the SE definite article the, rather than the Lancashire ‘suspended’ t ’, i.e. [t] or [Q] (Ellis 1889: 351-63). Ellis noted that MxE was more similar to SE than the adjacent dialects in England. J. Wright (Wright 1905: 2, §1) concurred with Ellis’s assessment.
The first substantial work on MxE came in 1924 from A. W. Moore, Sophia Morrison and Edmund Goodwin (Moore, Morrison and Goodwin 1924) in the form of a dictionary of lexical items drawn both from oral tradition and from literary sources, particularly from the works of T. E. Brown and Josephine Kermode (“Cushag”) (cf. Cubbon 1933/1939), revealing the use of over 750 lexical items from MxG in MxE.
This was followed in 1934 by a similar work by W. W. Gill (Gill 1934), essentially drawing material from the works of George Quarrie. Here Gill recorded a further 250 items from MxG.

In 1950 Heinrich Wagner (Wagner 1958-69) noted some forms, such as birk ‘birch’, bink ‘bench’, etc, in MxG, that may have come from Lancashire.
In the 1950s the Manx Folklife Survey collected a number of hours of MxG, but much more of MxE on a series of sound-recordings of native Manx Gaelic and native monoglot Manx English speakers. So far as is known, this material has for formal linguistic purposes not yet been evaluated.
In 1953 I. B. Whittaker (Whittaker 1953) undertook research on MxE in the Dalby - Glen Maye area of Man, just south of Peel, for an undergraduate dissertation.

In 1958, and again in 1966, field work on MxE was undertaken by Michael Barry (Barry 1984), who was only able to record some 126 MxG items in MxE. His material from 1958 was used in 1962-63 by Orton and Halliday. So far as is known, Barry’s is the first and to date the only substantial piece of work on the phonology of MxE.
In 1989-92 George Broderick (Broderick 1989-92) collected some 130 hours of sound-recorded material from ca. 180 native Manx informants for the Manx Place-Name Survey. This material comprises primarily place-name material, but also a substantial body of MxE speech on related folklore and folklife matters. As the main aim here was place-name research, its MxE sample may be regarded as unbiased. Only the place-name material in this corpus has to date been evaluated.
The only substantial article on MxE since Barry is that of Jennifer Kewley-Draskau (Kewley-Draskau forthcoming 1996), whose contribution deals with syntax, tense, and aspect. She draws her material from literary sources, primarily from T. E. Brown, Josephine Kermode and Kathleen Faragher (cf. Cubbon 1933/1939).

2. A Formal Linguistic Overview
To give some idea of MxE I propose to give a brief phonological sketch (drawn from Barry 1984, with one or two minor additions), together with some lexical evidence (drawn from Moore, Morrison and Goodwin, MPNS, and personal observation).

2.1. Phonology
The phonology of MxE is a much standardised form of NWE, influenced by MxG, with possibly some slight contribution from Scots.

2.1.1. Stressed Vowels
Table 1: Stressed Vowel Phonemes of Manx English.
___________________________________________________
ê E œ Å Ë
i: œ: O: u: ´:
œê ´ê Oê œu ou
ê´ u´ œê´ œu´ eê´
___________________________________________________

2.1.1.1. /ê/ is realised as [ê] as in difference, sink (n.), crib, with lowered forms in [ê4] as in bin, pigs, and [E] in ring (n.), drink (v.), little. Barry noted that the lowered forms occurred in N, with some phonemic overlap with /E/, before velars and nasals; [Å5/Ü} occurred in which.
2.1.1.2. /E/ is realised mainly as [E} in very, wealthy, heifer. Off-glides to [´} are common in all contexts, e.g. bed, breast, heather.

2.1.1.3. /æ/ is realised mainly as [æ], as in thatch, back, Pat (proper name). Two raised variants are attested: [œ�], as in have, wagon, attract, and [E}, as in slack, tag, with a slight tendency to greater frequency before velars. Lengthening [æ:] is quite common, especially before nasals: man, sack, and off-glides [æ^´} are frequently attested in S, as in handle, sand, before nasals. Lengthening and off-gliding blurs the distinction between the phonemes /æ/ and /æ:/. Many items having the phonemes /Å/ or /U/ in RP have /æ/ in MxE, as in fox, not, body, one, crunching.

2.1.1.4. /Å/ is realised chiefly as [Å], as in dog, trough, got, hopper. A fronted variant [Å9‘] occurs in knock, gone, got, tomorrow, while a somewhat unrounded and fronted variant [Å9] is found in donkey, wattles, doctor, which could be regarded as a ‘compromise’ form resulting from the relegation of words in RP /Å/ to MxE /æ/, qv. The majority of items with RP /U/, /Ë/ prefer /Å/ in MxE, as in nuts, stump, done, cut. Items with RP /Ë/ having initial labials tend to prefer /Å/ in MxE. Fewer items with RP /U/, /Ë/ are found in MxE /Å/ in N than in S. In N some items in MxE /Å/ occasionally have a very close variant [Ë5], as in chop, lopping, was, knot. Items such as horse with RP phoneme /O:/ sometimes have /Å/ in MxE.

2.1.1.5. /Ë/ is most commonly realised as [Ë]: book, put, pull. A closer variant [Ë5] occasionally occurs in took, could, full, and, very occasionally, a lowered variety [Ë4] as in wooded, should. A close, sometimes centralised form [u]/[ü] occurs in mushrooms (with stress on second syllable), move, good, took. Items having RP /U/ may have /Å/, /œ/, /Ë/ in MxE. Items having /Ë/ in MxE include up, much, butter, brush, gloves, perhaps because of the influence of NE dialect speech. Some items with RP /´:/ have /Ë/ in MxE: burnt, burst, worse.

2.1.1.6. /i:/ is mainly realised as /i:/ in all contexts: swingle-tree, sheath, eat, weakling. Occasionally an on-glide [^êi}/{êi} occurs in pieces, tea, key. Shortening in disyllables and compounds to [ê] was heared in swingle-tree, sheepskin. underneath, and to [E] in kneading. In fields, Peel there is occasionally the off-glide [i´}. A number of items having RP /eê/ and /aê/ have /i:/ in MxE, especially in S: trades, educated, way, rails, scale, gate, explain, as well as in like, white, stile.

2.1.1.7. /æ:/ Barry records two main realisations:
1. [æ:], as in shaft, ask, half, calf, hard (with the closer variant [œ5:], as in shaft, last, grass, and [E^´} as in calf (of leg), laugh. Shortened forms in [œ5] occur in pasture, chaff, and [E] in castle. As lengthened forms of /æ/ also occur in MxE, there is some phonemic overlap between /æ:/ and /æ/ - [æ:] realisations are preferred before s, f, th.
2. [A5:}, as in barn, harvest, bars, and [A:] in far, yarn (thread), father. An off-glide [A:^´} is sometimes heard in starts, arm-pit. These realisations almost all occur before historical r (now usually lost), with or without a following consonant. Some items in RP /au/ + r have [A5:] in MxE: flowers, [A^´:} flour; [A:] also occurs in items having RP /O:/: quarters, slaughterhouse, gorse, forty, walk, morning, caught. Such items prefer [æ:] in N, especially after [w-]. Some items with RP /´:/ have /æ:/ in MxE realised as [æ:]: work, and as [A:]/[A5:] in heard.

2.1.1.8. /O:/ The main realisation is [O:] in all contexts: walk (n.), call, corn, morning, halter, swa, mortar. A more fronted [O9:] also occurs in all, fork, almost, corpse, talk. There is also a lower variant [O4:], as in straw. Off-glides [O:^´} are quite common: sorts, jawing, your. A closer realisation with off-glide [o^´} is very common in o + r, oa + r and ou + r: board, pork, support. A triphthongised form [ou´} also appears in form, more, door, roar. An even closer form with off-glide [u´} was heard in door, more, shore. A few items with RP /´:/ have /O:/ in MxE: work, turf, worst, word. Shortened forms with [Å}, {Å5¯} occur in gorse, worse.

2.1.1.9. /u:/ is usually realised as [u:]: do, you, shoe, room, food, through. Centralised realisations [ü:] are common, especially in S: hoof, few, too, blue. On-glides occur quite often before centralised variants [^´u:}, as in hoof, stool, two, news. There is therefore some overlap with the [^´u}, {^´u‹} variants of /aË/. The item pool has the off-glide [u:´}, though in the place-name Liverpool one hears a triphthongised form [^´u´}, {^êu´}. A much more open variant [ou] can be found in too, you; [o^´} occurs in wound ‘womb’. This creates some overlap with the [ou] variants of /aË/. Items with RP /´Ë/, /aË/ have /u:/ in MxE: smoke, about, ploughing, drought. Some items having RP /Ë/ have /u:/ in MxE: good, book.

2.1.1.10. /´:/ only occurs before historical r. The main realisation is [´:}, as in girth, turkey, turn, perch, circle. There was no long central vowel phoneme in MxG (Jackson 1955, Broderick 1986).

2.1.1.11. /æê/ The main realisation is [æê} in all contexts: cow-tie, blind-teat,died, I, stride. A wide range of variants occurs: [æ:ê}: dyke, [œ‹ê} pig-tie, bind, [œ5i} shy, [œ5ê} knife, time. Shortening to [E} or [ê] occurs in like. In April the off-glide [E´} is attested. Many items in RP /Oê/ have /æê} in MxE: join, soil, groin. The phoneme category /Oê/ is hardly attested in MxE.

2.1.1.12. /eê/ The principle realisation here is [eê}: hay, name, haze, place. A few glides occur, producing some phonemic overlap with /eê´/: daisies, kale, gape. Many items having RP /aê/ prefer /eê/ in MxE, realised mostly as [eê}: fight, knife, bike, right. Some forms occur which could be regarded as a ‘compromise’ between RP /aê/ and MxE /eê/ realised as [e4ê} in child, {Eê} in wife, {E5ê} in side, {E4ê} in white. Barry regards this as an increasing movement towards a distribution of /æê/ versus /eê/, as with RP /aê/ vs. /eê/. However, items having RP /aê/ + -ght seem to be those most commonly with /eê/ in MxE. The ‘compromise’ forms do not occur in N, and items with RP /aê/ have MxE /eê/ extremely frequently in that area. Items in -ea- and a few others having /i:/ in RP frequently have /eê/ in MxE: beat, real, leaves, speak, tea, convenient. This occurs most frequently in S.
2.1.1.13. /Oê/ This category has a low functional load in MxE and very many items which have RP /Oê/ have /æê/ in MxE. The most common realisations of /æê/ are [Å5ê} boiling, {Å5‹ê} boy. The realisation of /Oê/ is rare also in MxG (cf. Jackson 1855, Broderick 1986).

2.1.1.14. /æu/. Barry notes two main realisations:
1. [œ‹u‹}: cowslip, now, ground, houses, out. Many minor variants occur, including [æu], as in ground, thousands, [æË] as in down. Centralised second elements in this diphthong are more common than back ones. In N [æu] is the most common, though a more open first element [au], [aË] appeared.
2. [´u} occurred in S only: cow-house, about,, pound. There are several minor variants: [Eu:} house, {´u:} stout (adj.). In many cases the first element is reduced to an on-glide [^´u:}: how, house, causing some phonemic overlap with realisations of /u:/. Centralised second elements are extremely common. Metathesis produced [´:^®} in brown.
Some items having RP /´Ë/ have /æu/ in MxE. This occurs in all o + l(d)/l(t) items: cold, coltsfoot, rolling, mould.

2.1.1.15. /ou/ The main realisation is [ou] in S, and [oË] in N: no, nose, woven, home-made, roguery, those. A few variants occur with a weak second element [o^u]: rope-twister, slope, toad; and a small number with a very open first element [Åu]: throwing, mow. In N a monophthongal realisation [o:] occurs: coal, spoke, pole, or a monophthong and off-glide [o^´}, {o´}: boast, colt. A more open [O:} occ urs very occasionally in poker, or [Å5:} in slow. Shortening to [Å] can be found in going, yoke, coulter. Many items with RP /aË/ have /ou/, realised [ou], in MxE: about, south, out, drought, without.

2.1.1.16. /ê´/ is realised mainly as {ê´}: here, years. A variant with a closer first element [i´] is quite common: here, clear, really. On-glides [^êi´} also occur in ear, shear. Some items having RP /E´/ prefer /ê´/ in MxE: rare, bare, fairs, theirs.

2.1.1.17. /eê´/ The principle realisation is [eê´}: wear (v.), hare, upstairs, affair, scare. The variants [e5ê´} as in pears and [Eê´} in their, where, dare occur occasionally. Some items having RP /ê´/ prefer /eê´/ in MxE: beer, pier, ear, bier, hear, with [A:} occurring in scare-crow.

2.1.1.18. /u´/ This category is hardly represented in MxE. It is realised as [u9:´}: suet, sure, and {u´}: gruel. [o´}, {ou´} occur as realisations in manure, poorly, perhaps indicating, as Barry suggests, some overlap with the realisations of /ou/.

2.1.1.19. /æê´/ The main realisations are [æê´}: byre, hire, and [aê´}: iron, fire.

2.1.1.20. /æu´/ is realised as [aË´} in flour only in S, but as [au´} in our, sour, scour and [æu´} in hour, ours in N.

2.1.2. Unstressed Vowels
As for unstressed syllables the only feature worthy of note is the widespread use of [´n] or [n¡] for the verbal noun, present participle, and verbal adjective, pronoun forms in -ing, as in threshing. going, bedding, paving-stones, something, anything.

2.2. Consonants
Table 2. Consonant Phonemes of Manx English.
___________________________________________________________________
p b t d k g ?
f v s z x h
� J
tS dJ
l
m n N
� w ® j
___________________________________________________________________

2.2.1. /t/ Barry notes five developments:
1. /t/ may be lost in final position in clusters: best, loft, harvest, list, front door.
2. /t/ is heavily aspirated and dentalised in the initial clusters tr- {t™^h} and str- {st™^h}, as in trough, trestle, street, straw. It occurs also in such clusters in MxG (cf. Jackson 1955, Broderick 1986).
3. /t/ is also heavily aspirated and dentalised {t™^h} in coulter, master, better. In Easter the realisation is {Q}.
4. /t/ is dentalised in final position, [t™} in street, weight, root.
5. /t/ is realised as [?} when followed by [n¡} in forgotten, straighten, carting, spouting.

2.2.2. /d/
1. is lost in final position in field, old, pin-pound, land, ground (n.).
2. is devoiced in word-final position both in pausa and before an initial voiceless consonant in the following word: shepherd, inside, good, spade.
3. is devoiced when followed by plural -s [ts/d�z�}, as in weeds.
4. is followed by voiceless affrication and dentalised [d™^Dr} in drill, dresser. In bladder, ladder /d/ is realised as [D}. A similar situation also obtains in MxG (cf. Jackson 1955, Broderick 1986).

2.2.3. /Q/ in initial position is often realised as a heavily aspirated dental stop [t™‘/t™^h}: thing, thistles, thatch; /Q/ + r is treated in the same way in threshing, three, throwing. This development, and the tendency to dentalise /t/, results in some homophonic clashes: thin/tin, three/tree. There is no /Q/ in MxG (cf. Jackson 1955, Broderick 1986).

2.2.4. /k/ is heavily aspirated in initial position, [k^h] in kitchen.

2.2.5. /g/ is devoiced occasionally in word-final position, [g�} in dig (v.), especially at the close of a phrase or sentence.

2.2.6. /s/ may occasionally be dental [s™}: solid.

2.2.7. /x/ is found in trough, in medial position as in frighten [fræêxn¡} and in loan-words from MxG: mucklagh ‘pig-sty’, though final -gh /x/ in place-names, as in mullagh ‘summit’, is now normally realised as [k]; the realisation of /x/ as [x] in final position in PN is now quite rare.

2.2.8. /h/ in initial position usually occurs, as in MxG. It is occasionally lost in the unstressed second element of compounds: dung-hill, court-house.

2.2.9. /�/ survives in MxE in what, where, wheel. However, it is often realised as [k‘�}: whip, wheel. MxG qu- (as in quiggal ‘distaff’) under lenition became [hw-/xw-] from initial [kw]. To a native Manx Gaelic speaker an English word with historical initial /�/ would sound to him lenited; cf. a similar development in PN Barrule < ON vArDar-fjAll ‘look-out mountain’ (cf. Broderick 1994: 53).

2.2.10. /r/ is often a short roll or flap, as in rearing, prong, street, ridges. Occasionally r-colouring of vowels occurs irrespective of the ensuing phonetic context: other, crupper, share (n.), moulderboard.

The other consonants are as in SE.

3. Lexical borrowings from Manx Gaelic
Looking briefly through Moore, Morrison and Goodwin (1924) the following loan-words still in use from personal observation while working for MPNS include the following:
ahley ‘fishing ground’ N only.
augh-augh ‘spell’ (onomat.) - ‘she put the augh-augh on Ballagawne’.
bithag ‘thick milk for churning’.
boghnid ‘poorness’; now used in the sense of ‘nonsense’ - ‘that’s a lot o’ boghtnid!’
bollan bane ‘white wort’; worn on Tynwald Fair Day (5 July).
bonnag ‘bannock’ (a circular flat loaf).
braghtan ‘griddle cake sandwiched with cheese, meat, etc’.
bravvag ‘warming the legs by the fire’; ‘to have a bravvag (by the fire)’.
bree ‘vigour’ - ‘there’s no bree in her’.
buggane ‘a sort of goblin’.
bun ‘bottom, base’ - to get to the bun of it - to get to the root, bottom of something.
chiollagh ‘hearth’.
clash ‘furrow, ditch’.
cooish ‘talk, chat’.
cregs (MxG. ciarrage) ‘beetles’, w. Eng. pl.
cum-dty-hengey! ’hold your tongue!’.
cushag ‘ragwort’.
drollane ‘indolent, sluggish person’.
fud-y-cheilley ‘confused’; lit. ‘through each other’.
gobbag, govvag ‘dogfish’; still used as a mild term of contempt for a Peel man.
Hop-tu-naa, Hopthenei ‘Hollantide’.
jarrood ‘forgetting’ - ‘I’m in a bit of a jarrood’ - I’m in a forgetful state of mind.
jeeill ‘damage’ - ‘there’s plenty o’ jeeill done at ’im’ - he’s done a lot of damage.
jeush ‘sheep shears’.
jokal [dJÅk´l} ‘spell of ploughing’; lit. ‘yoking’ < E. yoke w. radicalised init. conson. + MxG. vn. ending -al. ‘I’ve done my jokal for today’.

lhergy ‘hillslope’.

loghtan ‘tawny’; applied to native Manx sheep.
mollag ‘dogskin’; in the past inflated and tarred and used as a buoy to float herring nets.

sluight ‘some, a little’ - ‘a sluight of religion’ (obtained by going to church).

skuthan ‘scum around inside of pan’.
spiddhag ‘person small in stature’.
shee bannee mee! ‘oh, dear!’; lit. ‘peace bless me’. Used in exclamations.
toot ‘fool, simpleton’ - ‘he’s no toot’.
traa dy liooar ‘time enough, plenty of time’. Still in common use.
yisseh, yusseh ‘you!’, ?MxG. uss (G. usa) emph. form of sec. sg. pers. pn, with palatal. initial vowel.

There are no doubt many other examples to be found.

4. Some Syntactical Influences from Manx Gaelic
4.1. Calques on MxG idioms.
it was done at him ‘he did it’ MxG. v‘eh jeant echey.
it’s forgotten at me ‘I’ve forgotten it’ MxG. t’eh jarroodit aym,
(with use of ec ‘at’ as possessive personal pronoun with verbal adjective).
we’ll put a sight on him ‘we’ll visit him’ MxG. cur shilley er ‘visit’; lit.‘put a sight on (him)’.
that field was put to it (the farm) last year, i.e. ‘added to’ MxG. cur da ‘put to, add to’.

4.2. Use of MxG continuous tense for the present perfect in SE.
I’m hearing that he’s dead ‘I’ve heard that he has died’ MxG. ta mee clashtyn dy vel eh marroo.
4.3. Use of the copula for emphasis in cleft sentences.
It’s George that’s in ‘yes, it’s George, it is G. who is there’ MxG she G. t’ayn.
4.4. Use of MxG ayn ‘in it, in’ as predicate.
There’s a fine day in ‘it’s a fine day’ MxG. ta laa mie ayn.

5. Principle English Dialects influencing the Isle of Man
As already noted by Barry (Barry 1984: 176), 125 questions asked by the Survey of English Dialects (Orton & Halliday 1962-63) revealed the following correspondences:

31 with Northern English dialects generally.
30 with the dialects of the North-East of England.
4 with the dialects in the North North-West England.
13 with the dialects of the West Midlands of England.
11 with the dialects of Lancashire only.
9 with the dialects with the North North-East of England.
19 were SE forms in Man.
8 revealed forms seemingly peculiar to Man.

The data demonstrates the mixed nature of MxE, but at the same time shows the main influences to be the North and North West Midlands of England. However, MxE is now on the retreat. In the last decade or so Manx Government policy of inviting non-Manx personnel (not only from England, but also very many from both parts of Ireland) to service the ever-growing finance sector has placed the native born Manx population in the minority. It remains to be seen what will happen in the future. But from recordings made by MPNS it seems that any vitality MxE may have had as a dialect of English in its own right is seeing the twilight of its life.

.

Abbreviations
G - Gaelic.
MPNS - Manx Place-Name Survey.
MxE - Manx English.
MxG - Manx Gaelic.
N - North of Man.
NE - Northern English.
NWE - North-West English.
ON - Old Norse.
PN - place-names.
RP - Received Pronunciation (English).
S - South of Man.
SE - Standard English.

Bibliography
Broderick, George 1984-86. A Handbook of Late Spoken Manx. Tübingen: Niemeyer. 3 vols.
------- 1989-92. Manx Place-Name Survey Recordings. Douglas: Manx Museum.
------- 1991. “The Decline and Death of Manx Gaelic”. In: P. Sture Ureland & George Broderick (edd), 1991. Language Contact in the British Isles. Proceedings of the Eighth International Symposium on Language Contact in Europe, Douglas, Isle of Man, September 1988: 63-125.
------- 1994. Place-Names of the Isle of Man. Vol. 1: Sheading of Glenfaba. Tübingen: Niemeyer.
Barry, M. V. 1984. Manx English. In: Peter Trudgill (ed.), 1984. Language in the British Isles. Cambridge CUP: 167-177. From fieldwork collected in Man in 1958 & 1966.
Brown, T. E. 1897. Manx Idioms. Douglas: Broadbent. Reprinted from the Isle of Man Examiner 1897. For a complete bibliography of the works of T. E. Brown, cf. Cubbon (1933/1939: 895-955).
Cubbon, William, 1933 & 1939. A Bibliographical Account of Works relating to the Isle of Man. London: Humphrey Milford. 2 vols.
Ellis, A. J. 1889. Early English Pronunciation. London: EETS, The Philological Society: 351-63.
Gill, W. W. 1934. Manx Dialect Words and Phrases. London & Bristol: Arrowsmith.
Jackson, K. H. 1955 Contributions to the Study of Manx Phonology. Edinburgh: Nelson.
Kewley-Draskau, Jennifer, (forthcoming 1996). “Gaelic Influences in Anglo-Manx”. Liverpool: Institute of Irish Studies.
Moore, A. W., Morrison, S. and Goodwin, E. 1924. Vocabulary of the Anglo-Manx Dialect. London: Humphrey Milford.
Orton H, & Halliday, W. 1962-63. The Survey of English Dialects (SED); Introduction parts i-iii, The six northern counties [of England] and the Isle of Man. Leeds: Arnold.
Wagner, H. H. 1958-69. Linguistic Atlas and Survey of Irish Dialects. Dublin: Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies. 4 vols; Manx section in Vols 1 & 4.
Whittaker, I. B. 1953. The [English] Dialect of Dalby and Glen Maye. Unpublished undergraduate dissertation, University of Leeds.
Wright, J. 1905. English Dialect Grammar. Oxford: OUP.

© GEORGE BRODERICK

Universität Mannheim

May 1997.